All of this is already public. None of it is easy to find.
Every figure on this site comes from a government filing anyone may read. Reading them is the problem: the archives are complete, and they were never built to answer the question you actually have.
What it takes to answer one question: who funded my senator?
Find the committee
Campaign money is filed by committees, not by people. Your senator’s name is not the key — a committee ID like
C00696948is, and you have to know which of several belongs to them.Pull the filings
The FEC publishes complete bulk files, which is a service to researchers and a wall to everyone else: fixed-width records, coded columns, one row per contribution across a two-year cycle.
Ask who is behind it
Then the hard part. Of 20,531 committees here, only 3,940 — 19% — name the organisation behind them at all. The rest file NONE or leave it blank, and no amount of reading the filing will tell you more.
Do it again for the votes
Roll calls live somewhere else entirely, in research files keyed to member IDs of their own. Election results live in 15 different state systems, in 15 different formats.
Here it is one search.
The work above is done, on a schedule, for every seat: 537 members, 973,204 votes, 96,337 contributions from 20,531 committees. Type a ZIP code, a name, or a district and the answer is a page — with the filing it came from linked under every number.
Doing that work creates a second problem: you now have to trust me.
So here is what this site does with the record, and the lines it will not cross to make a page more interesting.
- 973,204 recorded votes, each with how the chamber split
It refuses to tell you what they support
A vote is a thing someone voted on, not a position. Two readers of the same votes reach different conclusions, and choosing one for you would be the only unsourced number on the page.
- every figure with the document behind it — 44 provenance entries across 30 parts of the record
It refuses to print a number it cannot trace
Provenance travels with the figure, and text you copy carries the citation with it. Where a source is silent, the page says so instead of estimating.
- prediction-market prices, as prices
It refuses to publish a forecast, including its own
A price is what a trader will pay for a contract, carrying their fees, their tied-up capital, and however few of them are trading. It is not a probability, and this site has none.
- the FEC’s own filing for all 20,531 committees behind 96,337 contributions
It refuses to invent an industry and ship it as fact
Corporation, labor organization, leadership PAC — those are the government's words, not ours. Where an outside publisher has assigned a category, their name travels with it.
- absences, labelled as absences
It refuses to draw missing data as zero
A member with no record and a member who voted no are different facts. A chart that renders them the same has made a claim nobody checked.
- the gap between how a district votes and how its member does, for the 528 members it can be computed for
It refuses to call that gap good or bad
It is a measurement against the district's own presidential result — an arithmetic distance, not a verdict. What it means is the reader's to decide.
Whose work this is.
Almost none of it is mine. The Federal Election Commission collects the filings; Voteview publishes the roll calls and the ideology estimates; the Census Bureau runs the American Community Survey; each state canvasses and certifies its own returns. This site reads 36 publishers in all and cites every one of them where their figures appear.
Every source, and what it gave